Category: Uncategorized

  • Declaration of Independence

    The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

    We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.–That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, –That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.–Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

    He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

    He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

    He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

    He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

    He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

    He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

    He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

    He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

    He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

    He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.

    He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

    He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

    He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

    For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

    For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

    For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

    For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

    For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

    For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:

    For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

    For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

    For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

    He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

    He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

    He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

    He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

    He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

    In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

    Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

    We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

  • In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

    Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

    We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

  • In Congress, July 4, 1776

    The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

    We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.–That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, –That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.–Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

    He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

    He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

    He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

    He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

    He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

    He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

    He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

    He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

    He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

    He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.

    He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

    He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

    He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

    For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

    For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

    For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

    For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

    For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

    For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:

    For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

    For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

    For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

    He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

    He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

    He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

    He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

    He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

    In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

    Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

    We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

  • Post 2

    The story of photography begins long before the first photograph. The camera obscura, Latin for “dark chamber,” was described by the Arab scholar Ibn al-Haytham in the early 11th
    century. It was a simple box or room with a small hole in one side: light passing through the hole projected an inverted image of the outside scene onto the opposite wall. Artists
    of the Renaissance used it as a drawing aid, but nobody could yet fix the image in place.

    The first photograph

    That changed in 1826, when the French inventor Nicéphore Niépce coated a pewter plate with bitumen of Judea and exposed it in a camera obscura for around eight hours. The result,
    “View from the Window at Le Gras,” is generally considered the world’s oldest surviving photograph. Niépce later partnered with Louis Daguerre, who refined the process after
    Niépce’s death. In 1839 the French government announced the daguerreotype process as a gift “free to the world,” and that year is widely treated as the birth year of practical
    photography.

    The daguerreotype produced a single, unreproducible image on a silvered copper plate. Its rival, the calotype, patented by the Englishman William Henry Fox Talbot in 1841,
    produced a paper negative from which many positive prints could be made. This negative-to-positive principle became the foundation of photography for the next 150 years.

    Film for everyone

    Photography stayed in the hands of professionals and dedicated amateurs until George Eastman introduced the Kodak camera in 1888. It came pre-loaded with a roll of film for 100
    exposures, and the company’s slogan captured the revolution: “You press the button, we do the rest.” Owners mailed the whole camera back to the factory, which developed the film
    and returned the camera reloaded. In 1900 Eastman followed with the Brownie, a cardboard box camera that sold for one dollar and made photography a genuinely mass hobby.

    Color arrived commercially with the Lumière brothers’ Autochrome plates in 1907, which used dyed grains of potato starch as color filters. Practical color film came later:
    Kodachrome, introduced by Kodak in 1935, remained in production for 74 years.

    The exposure triangle

    Every photograph, then and now, is governed by three settings that photographers call the exposure triangle:

    • Aperture is the size of the lens opening, measured in f-stops such as f/2.8 or f/16. A lower f-number means a wider opening, more light, and a shallower depth of field.
    • Shutter speed is how long the sensor or film is exposed to light, from thousandths of a second to minutes. Fast speeds freeze motion; slow speeds blur it.
    • ISO describes sensitivity to light. Higher ISO allows shooting in darker conditions at the cost of more visible noise or grain. Changing any one of the three forces a compensating change in another if the overall exposure is to stay the same. This trade-off is the core discipline of manual photography. The digital turn

    The first digital camera was built in 1975 by Steven Sasson, an engineer at Kodak. It weighed 3.6 kilograms, recorded a 0.01 megapixel black-and-white image onto a cassette tape,
    and took 23 seconds to capture a single frame. Kodak, fearing damage to its film business, famously declined to pursue the invention aggressively, a decision often cited as one of
    the great strategic errors in business history: the company filed for bankruptcy protection in 2012, the same decade smartphone cameras made photography ubiquitous.

    Today more photographs are taken every two minutes than were taken in the entire 19th century, and the pocket camera obscura in your phone would have seemed, to Ibn al-Haytham,
    like the purest magic.

  • A Short History of the Camera: From Dark Rooms to Digital Sensors

    The story of photography begins long before the first photograph. The camera obscura, Latin for “dark chamber,” was described by the Arab scholar Ibn al-Haytham in the early 11th
    century. It was a simple box or room with a small hole in one side: light passing through the hole projected an inverted image of the outside scene onto the opposite wall. Artists
    of the Renaissance used it as a drawing aid, but nobody could yet fix the image in place.

    The first photograph

    That changed in 1826, when the French inventor Nicéphore Niépce coated a pewter plate with bitumen of Judea and exposed it in a camera obscura for around eight hours. The result,
    “View from the Window at Le Gras,” is generally considered the world’s oldest surviving photograph. Niépce later partnered with Louis Daguerre, who refined the process after
    Niépce’s death. In 1839 the French government announced the daguerreotype process as a gift “free to the world,” and that year is widely treated as the birth year of practical
    photography.

    The daguerreotype produced a single, unreproducible image on a silvered copper plate. Its rival, the calotype, patented by the Englishman William Henry Fox Talbot in 1841,
    produced a paper negative from which many positive prints could be made. This negative-to-positive principle became the foundation of photography for the next 150 years.

    Film for everyone

    Photography stayed in the hands of professionals and dedicated amateurs until George Eastman introduced the Kodak camera in 1888. It came pre-loaded with a roll of film for 100
    exposures, and the company’s slogan captured the revolution: “You press the button, we do the rest.” Owners mailed the whole camera back to the factory, which developed the film
    and returned the camera reloaded. In 1900 Eastman followed with the Brownie, a cardboard box camera that sold for one dollar and made photography a genuinely mass hobby.

    Color arrived commercially with the Lumière brothers’ Autochrome plates in 1907, which used dyed grains of potato starch as color filters. Practical color film came later:
    Kodachrome, introduced by Kodak in 1935, remained in production for 74 years.

    The exposure triangle

    Every photograph, then and now, is governed by three settings that photographers call the exposure triangle:

    • Aperture is the size of the lens opening, measured in f-stops such as f/2.8 or f/16. A lower f-number means a wider opening, more light, and a shallower depth of field.
    • Shutter speed is how long the sensor or film is exposed to light, from thousandths of a second to minutes. Fast speeds freeze motion; slow speeds blur it.
    • ISO describes sensitivity to light. Higher ISO allows shooting in darker conditions at the cost of more visible noise or grain. Changing any one of the three forces a compensating change in another if the overall exposure is to stay the same. This trade-off is the core discipline of manual photography. The digital turn

    The first digital camera was built in 1975 by Steven Sasson, an engineer at Kodak. It weighed 3.6 kilograms, recorded a 0.01 megapixel black-and-white image onto a cassette tape,
    and took 23 seconds to capture a single frame. Kodak, fearing damage to its film business, famously declined to pursue the invention aggressively, a decision often cited as one of
    the great strategic errors in business history: the company filed for bankruptcy protection in 2012, the same decade smartphone cameras made photography ubiquitous.

    Today more photographs are taken every two minutes than were taken in the entire 19th century, and the pocket camera obscura in your phone would have seemed, to Ibn al-Haytham,
    like the purest magic.

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